 |
Isaac Abarbanel (1437 - 1508), Jewish courtier, scholar, and
writer
Offshoot of a distinguished Ibero-Jewish family, Abravanel spent
forty-five years in Portugal, then passed the nine years
immediately prior to Spanish Jewry's 1492 expulsion in Castile.
At that time an important figure at the court of Ferdinand and
Isabella, he chose Italian exile over conversion to Christianity
and spent his remaining years in various centers in Italy where he
composed most of his works, a combination of prodigious biblical
commentaries and involved theological tomes.
Abarbanel came to Castile in flight from João II, having been
implicated in a noble conspiracy against this Portuguese
monarch whose father he had served closely for decades. (He
denied involvement in the conspiracy -- indeed, the conspiracy's
existence.) Once in Spain, Abarbanel quickly established himself
as a leading homme d'affaires and royal servant. By 1485, he
had relocated to the Spanish heartland at Alcalá de Henares in
order to oversee tax-farming operations for Cardinal (Pedro
González de) Mendoza, the "third king of Spain (tercer rey de las
Españas)." At the same time, Abarbanel supported the Spanish
monarchs' campaign against Granada, Islam's last Iberian
citadel, offering extensive loans.
Though Granada's fall in January 1492 might, in retrospect,
seem a glaring portent of Spanish Jewry's imminent demise,
Abarbanel may have found little to disturb the idea that the
"royal alliance" in which the Jews of Spain (Hebrew sefarad) had
long placed their trust (relying on courtiers like himself to provide
the key link between monarch and Jewish community) was
essentially healthy. The government's four-year renewal of
contracts with Jewish tax-farmers in 1491, Abarbanel among
them, spoke for itself. Intensification of persecution against
Spain's converso population on the part of the Spanish
Inquisition could be seen as divine retribution due to those who
had abandoned Judaism. It is possible, then, that Abarbanel
celebrated Granada's fall, as did other Spanish Jews, rather than
seeing in it an event that augured badly for Judaism's future in
the land of his ancestors.
However Abarbanel's lack of clairvoyance may be appraised,
Ferdinand's and Isabella's signing of an order of expulsion
against Jews in Spain and her possessions clearly took Abarbanel
by surprise. With the death knell of Spanish Jewry having been
sounded, grave concerns imposed themselves on him and his
family in the three months given to Jews to convert or settle their
affairs and leave. Beyond working to salvage some of his vast
wealth, Abarbanel must have been concerned with the effects of
a zealously-mounted Christian missionizing effort of which his
family was made a special target. Abarbanel's eldest son, Judah,
got wind of a planned kidnapping and forced baptism of his own
first-born son (named Isaac, after his father, in keeping with
longstanding Hispano-Jewish tradition). In a poem written a
decade later and directed towards this son, then living as a
forced convert to Christianity in Portugal, Judah related how
Spain's king ordered "that my child, still nursing, should be
seized / and brought into his faith on his behalf." The hope, it
would seem, was to induce Judah and perhaps his father to
convert and remain in Spain. In the event, the Abarbanels set
sail for Italy where Abarbanel senior went on to produce one of
the largest and most diverse Hebrew literary corpora of medieval
or early modern times. (Judah Abarbanel would gain fame there
as Leone Ebreo, whose Dialoghi d'amore became an influential
work of Renaissance Neoplatonism.)
Isaac Abarbanel's scholarship was already well-attested during
his Iberian years, finding its most notable written expression in
biblical commentaries on the books of Joshua, Judges, and
Samuel composed by Abarbanel soon after his arrival in Castile.
Among other things, these works display Abarbanel's broad
knowledge of, and at times extraordinarily ecumenical attitude
towards, Christian scholarship. (One Latin biblical interpreter with
whom he carried on a running, albeit tacit, conversation was his
older Spanish contemporary Alfonso de Madrigal "el Tostado.")
These commentaries also manifest Abarbanel's novel interests in
and approaches to questions regarding the authorship and
origins of biblical books, some of which imply the impress of a
humanist sense of historicity on Abarbanel's exegetical
thought-processes. Seen from this vantage-point, these
commentaries offer perhaps the earliest example of Renaissance
stimulus in works of Hebrew literature composed beyond Italy.
Though he spent the closing years of his life in Italy, Abarbanel
never ceased to view himself as an Iberian (Sefardic) Jew.
Indeed, in his final words which have come down, he describes
himself as one "unable to be at peace when . . . the exile of
Jerusalem in sefarad remains in dispersion."
|